{xtypo_alert}Editor's note 11Mar13: Source D331-3.3{/xtypo_alert}

Location

The Baixo Guadiana study area lies in the lower Guadiana Basin, situated at the south western part of Iberia along the border between Spain and Portugal. The total size of the study area is 2,612 km².

Climate

Climate is typical Mediterranean with hot and dry summers and a wet winter period. Almost all precipitation (avg. 500 mm/year) falls between November and March. Rainfall records (1931 – 1997) show a declining trend in the total amount. The evapotranspiration is estimated at approximately 900 mm/year and the aridity index is 0.55.

Geology, soils and hydrology

The study area is of carboniferous origin consisting of shale, slates and greywackes of a fluvial origin. The communities Sanlúcar de Guadiana and Alcoutim are also situated on carboniferous material but of volcanic origin (Tuff, lavas, acid breccias, quartz). Younger formations from the Quaternary, consisting of conglomerates, gravel and red clay, are also present. The area is best described sloping land; a dissected low to medium level undulating to rolling landscape. The main group consists of an undulating slope relief on metamorphic material.

Main soils in the area are, Leptosol, Regosol and Cambisol. Soils are generally shallow, with low nutrients and organic matter content. The parent material is divided into three main divisions: flysh (north), shale (central) and conglomerates (south). Soil erosion levels vary. Soil texture is clay loam and sandy loam. Soil depths are generally class 3, with low permeability favouring surface runoff.

The Hydrological network is a complex dendritic river network consisting of well-incised gullies with a high seasonal and torrential regime, with high erosive capacity. The dams in the area are the Andévalo and the Chança on the Spanish side and the Odeleite and the Alqueva in Portugal which the biggest reservoir of western Europe.

Ecosystems and land use

Major ecosystems in the area are Forest, Sub humid semi arid dryland, Cultivated, Urban. The area includes several protected areas: natural parks of higher and lower order, natural reserves and 12 areas falling under the NATURA 2000 network. The estuary of the Guadiana has been declared a RAMSAR site.

Land use change has affected 35% of the area between 1990 and 2006, due to increases forest cover, urban areas and water surfaces (newly constructed reservoirs).

Population, employment and infrastructure

Total population in the study area in 2008 was around 59,000 with only the coastal municipalities Ayamonte (Spain) and Vila Real de Santo Antonio (Portugal) witnessing increases. Average population density is 22 inhabitants/km², ranging from 6 in the mainland to 300 on the coast. Communities in the area are depicted have age indices in the range of 100% - 300%. The population growth is generally positive but is more related to migration rather than natural growth.

Sectoral employment within the communities of the Baixo Guadiana is highest in the service sector (over 60%), except for the municipality San Silvestre de Guzman where agriculture remains dominant. The drop in agricultural employment is dramatic: from 60% in 1900 60.4% to 6% in 2001 and 15.1% active in services. Most farms are owned and managed privately. Unemployment exceeds 23%.

The area has a low density road network and very few schools and medical clinics in the rural inland part of the study area. Huelva province has two hospitals.

Administration and policies in effect

Governance in the study area differs between the two countries. Spanish communites are under the Huelva province, of the Autonomous region of Andalucia. Portuguese communities are under the sub-provinces of the province Alentejo and Algarve.

Assessing LEDD and related policies, in the Baixo Guadiana study area is not without difficulties: Spain and Portugal have different methods, categories and indicators for land assessment. However, several trans-boundary projects as well as arrangements for water management present considerable potential for cross-border collaboration, as does tourism.

In the Baixo Alentejo, the northern part of the Portuguese side of the study site, dramatic changes in land use and rural landscapes are taking place, directly related to the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), particularly financial support provides for forest plantations. Although forestation may be positive response to LEDD, the practical application of these policies often exacerbates LEDD problems. For example in order to receive EARDF support for afforestation of agricultural land, land clearing has been mandatory, even where vegetation was recovering. Forestation has also included heavy soil mobilisation, compaction, inadequate planting techniques, unsuitable species with no natural regeneration and high densities increasing fire risk, all contributing to LEDD problems

Other relevant policies on the Portuguese side include the rural development programme, PAMAF, and PROT, the regional development programmes of the Alentejo and the Algarve. The PROT also include direct references to forest management and combating desertification, as foreseen in Portugal's National Action Plan.

On the Spanish side, the 'Desarollo Rural de Andalucia 2007-2013 (PDR) (development of rural Andalucia), is also affecting the area, particularly through measure 216 "support to non productive inversions" in order to protect farmland from wind and reduce erosion. Andalucia has also put in place a regional Forest Management Plan (2008-2015)

Both countries have forest fire policies, although they tend to focus on mitigation and post-fire management rather than proactive prevention. Study site provinces are preparing land-use plans, which are at various stages of approval.

Particular LEDD issues in Baixo Guadiana

The main LEDD problems are:

• Forest productivity decline, affecting not only wood production but also Non-wood forest products (cork, gum, medicinal and aromatic plants, fodder, nuts, fruit, truffles) as well as tourism and recreational uses, including hunting.
• Loss of biodiversity, through fires, fragmentation and soil deterioration. In addition, loss of biodiversity in dehesa and montado systems particularly affects the Spanish imperial eagle (Aquila adalberti) and the Iberian Lynx (Lynx pardinus)
• Forest fragmentation cause by infrastructure development (transportation), agriculture and urbanisation. The road network of Spain and Portugal has increased in length by 640% over the past 20 years. Soil sealing is in Portugal has increased by 10% since 2010, while in Spain it has reached dramatic proportions: in the past decade, Spain urban space has expanded more than in Germany, France and Italy combined.
• Soil erosion, deterioration, land degradation and desertification. Dehesa and montado forests protect the soil wind and solar radiation (shadow and windblocks) and also facilitate the condensation of fog (natural fog harvesting effect). They also have very efficient nutrient cycling through deep root systems, leaf litter and manure via agroforestry practices. Nevertheless, as soils are generally shallow, ploughing between trees (twice per year) causes accelerated erosion and land degradation. On the Spanish side, landowners are held responsible for fires starting on their land, preventative ploughing is therefore widely practiced.
• Water stress and phytosanitary deterioration of forest cover. Prevalent pests include Phytophtora spp. affecting all Quercus species and in particular cork and holm oak. This process is called ´seca´ in Spain. Endemic water stress is rendered more severe by human modifications of the hydrological regime: water shortage is now a 'structural characteristic' of the system. Future climate changes are expected to amplify existing water stress.
• Agriculture/ Grazing. The extension of agricultural lands, logging and the practice of burning land are drivers that lead to the degradation and loss, particularly of dehesas and montados. Although clearing of holm and cork oak is strictly fobidded in Portugal Deforestation still occurs to clear land for cultivation and pasture. Clearing of holm oak and cork oak trees (Quercus ilex and Q. suber) is strictly forbidden by law (DIS4ME, Roxo & Casimiro 2004).
  The increase in the number of cows in the Portuguese side, and to lesser extent the Spanish side, has been supported through the CAP subsidies and has contributed greatly to soil erosion. Fragile soils cannot withstand the impact of trampling by cows, where pigs, sheep and goats were traditionally raised, causing both compaction and erosion. Subsidy rates also ignore optimum stocking density of the land, fodder production capability and the water balance, so overgrazing is an inherent problem.
  Pastoral activity is also a major source of wildfires as shepherd use fire regularly to renovate pastures. Pastoral activity was found to be responsible for 20% of all wildfires and for 11% of the total area burned (78% shrublands, 18% forests.
  It is important to note that the mixed agro-silvo-pastoral system of the dehesa and the montado is not a LEDD driver. On the contrary, livestock grazing and to a lesser degree agricultural practice, combined with the maintenance of oak and cork trees provide the system with versatility and long term sustainability. The system does not try to maximise the output of any particular product and also avoids arable farming which is inhibited by both climate and soil fertility. Although economic profitability is limited, sustainability is demonstrated by the longevity of the system. Nevertheless, the system does face threats such as abandonment, air pollution and pathogens.
• Mining. The Iberian Pyrite Belt, touching the northern part of the Huelva province, is one of the most important volcanogenic massive sulphide ore deposits in the world. Although mining has generally declined, mining activity has led to environmental pollution (acid mine drainage, heavy metal soil contamination). In the past, the mines were also a driver of deforestation
• Climate change. Spanish and Portuguese forest ecosystems are expected to suffer form warmer, drier climate, likely to cause more fires and desertification. The trend of declining precipitation is expected to continue, as is amplification of water stress and subsequent conflict. Tree mortality and land degradation are also expected
• Forest Fires
• Tourism and Urbanisation

Responses to LEDD in Baixo Guadiana

Several Responses to LEDD have been developed in the study area. They include:

• Extensive afforestation
• Cross-border cooperation, including infrastructure (e.g. river bridges) and water use awareness raising
• Forest fire management

In order to address fragmentation, Portugal has taken steps to create ecological corridors or green bands. Efforts are being made to extend them across the river to Spain.

Socio-economic decline is addressed through several national and regional economic instruments which as a rule take into account the need to address land degradation, such as

• The Spanish Plan to stimulate the economy and labour, which includes "Silvicultural treatments and improvement of habitats in Andevalo and Chanza" and "Landscaping adjustment of the nuclei of the Andevalo environment"
• EARDF measures
• The "Land use plan of Andalucia" and general urban plans

{xtypo_alert}Editor's note 20Mar14: Source D332-4.1{/xtypo_alert}

The Baixo Guadiana has been settled since at least Neolithic times. While five thousands years ago southern Iberia was covered with oak and pine forest, deforestation and shifting land use management have led to increased soil erosion. Agriculture has been one of the most important processes affecting the natural landscape and the evolution in vegetation cover from forest to agricultural landscape that is now seen, with reforested plantations of mostly eucalyptus and pine trees with some areas of (old) Dehesa and montado systems.

Mining activity, especially since Roman times, has been a further dominant force in determining landscape, society and the economy. It has involved large-scale deforestation, erosion and contamination: the river Tinto system (Huelva province) is one of the most polluted fluvial estuarine systems in the world, and it probably has been so for thousands of years. The main ores are pyrite, copper, silver and sulfide.

Moorish social and cultural influence in the region has been strong. Although Huelva does not contain great monuments such as those seen elsewhere in Andalucía the "white villages" established by the Moors still form the architectural setting of Huelva. The Lisbon earthquake and accompanying tsunami (1755) severely affected the coastal area of the study site as well as the mainland, causing death, devastation of the natural and man-made environment but also impacting upon society and culture.

The devastation caused to vineyards by "La filoxera" (Daktulosphaira vitifoliae) at the end of the 19th century has been a determining factor in shifting cultivation from vines to olives: 17% of the surface and one thire of total agricultural lands in Andalucía are covered by olives.

The main states identified in the Baixo Guadiana study site are shown below.

• Mining state (until 1955)
• Franco Regime (1939 to 1975)
• Settling of dust transition period (1975 to 1986)
• Joining the EU (1986 to date)

These states are identified based on processes prevailing in the region and are related to the natural, social and economic capital. There is an overlap between the Mining state and the Franco Regime. Although the major and sudden change in political regime followed the Civil War and can be thought of as a rupture, its impacts in the rural area of the Baixo Guadian were very gradual due to the area's remoteness and the prevailing SES, which revolved around mining, and was unaffected by the dramatic change in political regime. In contrast, the end of the Franco Regime while also entailing a very sudden change (rupture), brought about a transition period during which it was a new equilibrium was sought in Spain and the study site. The last state commences with accession to the EU in 1986.

Mines state (until 1955)
Franco Regime (1939 to 1975)
Settling of dust transition period (1975 to 1986)
Joining the EU (1986 to date)

{xtypo_alert}Editor's note 5Aug13: Source D332-4.2.1{/xtypo_alert}

Assessment of the components of the three capitals

The most intensive mining activity dates back to the mid /end of the 19th century and is controlled by British- and French-owned companies. In terms of social and economic capital it can be argued that this is the best ever period for the Baixo Guadiana: population is steadily rising, schools, education, infrastructure, housing, hospitals, and jobs are available and of good quality. Environmental capital is diminishing while working conditions are often of low standards. Nevertheless hospitals and doctors are present. During the 1940s the area is highly resilient.

Critical functions

In addition to the main economic activity, the 19th and early 20th century sees a huge increase in social capital and other infrastructure, often funded by the mining companies themselves (houses and urbanizations, hospitals and other healthcare, sports clubs, schools, roads and railways). The mines result in a great increase in demographics and economy, increasing the social and economic capital.

Economic capital is the main force influencing social capital. In contrast, natural capital is declining, due to mining activities and massive deforestation to supply energy for both mining activities and the growing population. The drivers of change are related to mining companies. The mining state would not be so influential if it were not for the trade it provides, from which many people create their livelihoods.

Critical variables

The term "mining mentality" is prevalent in local discourse and denotes people's expectation that a (foreign) big company, will come and arrange everything. As mentioned before, the mining activities extend to healthcare, sports, infrastructure and education which are all arranged for. The mining mentality is often "blamed" for lack of local entrepreneurship.

Main LEDD problems and responses

The mining state causes and depends upon massive deforestation. A series of feedbacks causes widespread degradation and pollution: firewood and charcoal are necessary for mining activities but also to sustain the growing population of the area (houses, infrastructure, heating, cooking). Mining activities are accompanied by contamination: core soil samples show heavy metal contamination to peak during this period.

About one third of the population in the Spanish Baixo Guadiana area come from Portugal due to famines there at this time. The Portuguese come to work in Western Andévalo and Baixo Guadiana in the mines or agriculture. Many of the children continue to live in the area for the rest of their lives.

Policy context
{xtypo_alert}AK: to check that implementation, impacts and effectiveness of selected policies are discussed in this text. Look at D342 to see if there is any additional information. {/xtypo_alert}

The mines dominate and help the region go through the turmoil years of the 1930s and 40s. However, in the 1950s most foreign companies leave, not due to an exhaustion of ores, but in response to new environmental and labour obligations and perceived higher costs. Spanish mines are nationalized in 1954 but the activity declines rapidly due to global competition.

Properties of the system
{xtypo_alert}AK: to check if there is any further relevant information in D333{/xtypo_alert}

Socio-ecological resilience
{xtypo_alert}AK: to be added, source: D333{/xtypo_alert}

Socio-ecological fit of the dominant response to LEDD
{xtypo_alert}AK: to be added, source: D333{/xtypo_alert}

{xtypo_alert}Editor's note 20Mar14: Source D332-4.2.2{/xtypo_alert}

Assessment of the components of the three capitals

During this period, strict dictatorial regimes are controlling and driving most, if not all, of the changes in natural, social and economic capital components in Spain and also in Portugal. The political regime is a critical function of the social capital.

Changes affecting the study site occur primarily on the national level. The general focus is on transforming Spain from an agrarian to an industrial state. While there is great growth of cities, the rural Baixo Guadiana witnesses an exodus. Swine fever and the discouraging political regime have a huge impact on the decrease of the Dehesa and an increase in mechanization and big investments. For the Baixo Guadiana, however, after the closure of the mines, employment is scarce and agricultural business is nearly impossible considering the land use changes and political regime. The rural landscape changes dramatically but natural capital remains low. Socially, the strict regime does not create high standards in the social components such as, willingness to participate. Trust is low. However, a growing contraband economy can perhaps be interpreted as a sign of functioning local networks and trust, in some villages, but also in the region as a whole.

In the 1960s, the first experiments with strawberries start in coastal areas near Huelva. This crop, the "red gold" reaches a maximum of 11,000 ha of cultivation in the 1980s.

Critical functions

During the 1940s (and WWII) poverty and lack of food are widespread and continue due the economic isolation (and embargo) of the Francoist regime. The Spanish state takes several steps towards autarky (self-sufficiency) until the 1959 stabilization plan which aims at opening up the economy to the rest of Europe. During the 1960s and 70s some 2.5 million Spanish agricultural workers leave to find work elsewhere. The introduction of mechanization and widespread irrigation brings an annual increase in production of 3%.

In contrast, the population of Baixo Guadiana reverts to subsistence agriculture or employment in larger farms with little mechanisation. Wheat and cereals are the dominant crop complemented by traditional care of livestock (Iberian pork, goats and sheep). The area includes several flour producing factories and several famous grain dryers. Harsh and irregular climate often lead to disastrous years and immediate famine. Resilience of rural villages is low: people are poor, infrastructure bad and villages isolated. The political regime does not focus on rural Spain and the drive to change from an agrarian to an industrial state does not benefit rural villages in the study site. The traditional agro-silvo pastoral Dehesa system, based upon the balance between livestock, men and trees (oaks) and which has created the typical landscape surrounding Sanlúcar de Guadiana, persists providing both wood and meat products, despite the general rural exodus.

Income (cash) supplements come from precious few sources such as the manufacturing of baskets from wicker and cane growing along the sides of the river. In fact, the village economy is largely based on women's work. A contraband economy also arises along the border and the river Guadiana. It includes smuggling (tobacco, coffee) and provides livelihood for some inhabitants.

The most critical component of the period is the political regime. Despite the general economic growth (outside the study site), the influence of the regime in communities and families is disruptive and overshadows all aspects of social and economic life.

Critical variables

After the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) and Franco's coming into power, many bloody reprisals are inflicted upon left wing officials and their allies. The dictatorial power structure incorporates the local bureaucracy, the Guardia Civil, agricultural landowners and the local decision-making bodies (municipal council, agricultural council). This process is also observed in Sanlúcar de Guadiana where families that take "control" at the end of the civil war, still possess the big land pieces and still hold important decision making positions (examples of path dependency and lock in mechanisms).

Until the 1950s barter is still a very common activity to pay for products or services. The province of Huelva is a good example of changes in relation to the new goals set out by the government in 1959, namely the development of industry and tourism. In the period 1964-1975 more than 10 industrial projects are realised in the city of Huelva which expands (quickly and without plan) into an industrial city, attracting many rural citizens. Industries are primarily chemical although of major significance to the biophysical system is the rise of the paper-pulp industry. Many areas are forested with pines and eucalyptus plantations. Although the total land occupied by eucalyptus plantations in Andalucia is 0.81%, most of the plantations are found the province of Huelva.

By end of the 1960s in Baixo Guadiana, rural depopulation (which had already started in the 1950s) is almost complete with people moving to Huelva and Andalucía, Mallorca or Barcelona. In the early 1970s, after the oil crisis, de-industrialisation is rapid is was the rise in unemployment.

Main LEDD problems

As seen above, the 1950s are particularly hard times. Agriculture is also hampered by:

• the expansion of timber and pulp plantations disrupting agricultural landscapes. Agriculture is actively discouraged, often to the point of forced depopulation;
• swine pest resulting in great economic losses for many villages, as many people particularly in the dehesa, rely on their livestock. Loss of animals affects the ecosystem as a whole.

During the 60s and 70s Sanlúcar de Guadiana is ruled by 4 families employing villagers as labourers (jornaleros). Diverse activities, such as basket weaving and contraband contribute to revenues in Sanlúcar de Guadiana and might be seen as an example of traditional multifunctionality and pluri-activity.

Policy context
{xtypo_alert}AK: to check that implementation, impacts and effectiveness of selected policies are discussed in this text. Look at D342 to see if there is any additional information. {/xtypo_alert}

On the Portuguese side of the river, the main policy since 1929 is the Wheat Campaign that aims to attach the agricultural population to rural land and reduce unemployment. The wheat campaign leads to a massive landscape transformation, clear-cutting and severe erosion.

On the Spanish side, the mining crisis dominates and involves the nationalization, rapid decline and eventual disappearance of mining activity.

After two decades of autarky, the Spanish economy starts to open up in the 1960s partly as a result of shifts in broader international relations. National policies push for outmigration of rural populations and industrialization. Thus the exodus from rural areas is part of a wider policy plan: at the national level, agricultural employment falls from over 40% to under 25% with exodus of more than two million workers between 1961 and 1970. Migrating to cities and coastal zones and employment in industry and tourism are for many the only viable option.

Properties of the system
{xtypo_alert}AK: to check if there is any further relevant information in D333{/xtypo_alert}

Socio-ecological resilience
{xtypo_alert}AK: to be added, source: D333{/xtypo_alert}

Socio-ecological fit of the dominant response to LEDD
{xtypo_alert}AK: to be added, source: D333{/xtypo_alert}

{xtypo_alert}Editor's note 20Mar14: Source D332-4.2.3{/xtypo_alert}

Assessment of the components of the three capitals

In Spain the transition to democracy creates a strong decentralisation: under the 1978 constitution, Andalucía becomes one of Spain's 17 autonomous regions. Economic capital declines rapidly at first, a decline partly offset by the exploitation of natural capital. Also, the end of the dictatorship means that many people who had moved out of the system, decided to go back thereby increasing human and often financial capital (many people had been able to save money while abroad). It also leads to very high unemployment rates, which in turn weakens the economic capital.

This transition period is a period of relative tranquility in the study site. Families are re united through the home coming of the first wave of emigrants, returning after the change in political regime. Although unemployment rises, social capital can be assumed to increase. The new democracy in Spain is accompanied by the creation of a welfare state, providing in benefits for the unemployed, disabled and retirees.

Critical functions

The governmental push for industrial development in Huelva has a lasting influence in the area. Villagers who had not already emigrated go to work in Huelva, which has a neighbourhood of approximately 25,000 people who have their origin in the Andévalo. Oil shocks and political uncertainty play a big role at the national level: Franco's industrial base is energy intensive and fuel dependent and is struck hard by the oil crisis. Political uncertainty makes it difficult to alleviate problems by taking firm measures.

Overall economic growth is sustained by agriculture, the growth of the service sector and the return of Spanish emigrants with heavy inflows of repatriated capital, financial and human. This helps finance the deficits created by the oil shocks. Ironically, and unexpectedly, the oil shocks and political shocks are to some degree offsetting for Spain.

Policy context
{xtypo_alert}AK: to check that implementation, impacts and effectiveness of selected policies are discussed in this text. Look at D342 to see if there is any additional information. {/xtypo_alert}

Properties of the system
{xtypo_alert}AK: to check if there is any further relevant information in D333{/xtypo_alert}

Socio-ecological resilience
{xtypo_alert}AK: to be added, source: D333{/xtypo_alert}

Socio-ecological fit of the dominant response to LEDD
{xtypo_alert}AK: to be added, source: D333{/xtypo_alert}

{xtypo_alert}Editor's note 20Mar14: Source D332-4.2.4{/xtypo_alert}

Assessment of the components of the three capitals

Traditional forms of farming already in decline, virtually disappear as the global markets open up. Agriculture receives renewed importance through the implementation of irrigation projects in the Andévalo facilitating the creation of large citrus and orange plantations. There are 19.043 ha in Huelva province alone, mostly planted after 2001. Improvement in economic conditions brings back more former migrants and often the children of people who had emigrated in 60s and 70s. Throughout the 1990s connectivity (roads) improve and the area participates in the construction boom, which dominates employment until the late 2000s. Demographic and employment gains made since the late 1980s are wiped out in the post 2007-period when unemployment increase from 16% to 35%.

Critical functions

Spain and Portugal join the EEC in 1986, a landmark of significant changes. At the coastal zone, strawberry production, the "red gold", expands greatly and the first orange plantations are established in Huelva. CAP subsidies allow a revival of livestock breeding (especially sheep), cereal cultivation and later, afforestation programs. Public investment increases dramatically. Trade integration along the border brings an abrupt halt to the clandestine economy that was previously in operation. The bridge between Vila Real de Santo Antonio (Portugal) and Ayamonte (Spain) is constructed in 1991 bringing increased commerce, hotels, bars restaurants and shops to both towns.

The real estate boom starts becoming most apparent after 2000 and several policy adjustments by the central government such as the repeal of "soil law" (ley de suelo) facilitate building on agricultural land. Growth of the agricultural sector coupled with the construction boom, creates a large demand for seasonal workers fuelling immigration from Romania, Poland and other Eastern European countries. A lot of construction and employment is located along the coastal zone.

The overall "Joining the EU" state can be sub-divided into two lower scale SES towards the end of the period, covering the Spanish and local real estate boom and the crisis.

Critical variables

Huelva is a marginal area of a Spanish/European periphery, largely kept alive by migrant remmitances and subsidies. Previous self-subsistence farming and complementary activities that created a multifunctional and diverse rural reality are replaced by new economic wealth, dependent on external means of production, various inputs and public resources. Welfare arrangements become an important source of income for many of the inhabitants of the Baixo Guadiana and the construction sector is the most common source of employment.

Small rural villages have created the commonwealth BETURIA to act as a development center and to increase communication between small villages and higher scale decision making centers. The availability of welfare benefits results in a seasonal migration of many workers from Sanlúcar de Guadiana, instead of a long-term departure, in order to work in hotels on the islands. Over winter they received the "paro", unemployment benefit. The current economic crisis has put a restraint on the possibilities for employment and provides strong incentives to return to old family homes in villages

The Baixo Guadina area is also dominated by the juice and soft drink factory of García-Carrión (Don Simon). The original scope of this project was based on orange deliveries from 7,000 ha of integrated orange plantations and long term agreements with plantations throughout Huelva province. The project has a production goal of 160 million litres of juice. To reach full capacity, the plant needs raw material from 8,000 ha of citrus groves. In 2011 García-Carrión today is preparing to convert 3,000 hectares of land into orange groves. García Carrión aims to partner with local farmers through long-term contracts and consolidated returns. Garcia Carrion has received €70,751,563,96 co-financing (2009) for the agro-alimentary project “Andalucían Oranges”.

Wind energy is also established in Andévalo Park, one of the biggest wind turbine parks in Europe. The park is meant to provide 400 local jobs during construction and 50 for maintenance and operation. Both the Andévalo Park and García-Carrión have received local criticism for being unimportant for local livelihoods by being projects by outsiders.

Main LEDD problems

Development programs, financed by the EU structural funds, the cohesion fund and the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) are evident throughout the study site, primarily in the form of infrastructure improvement (roads between the villages, better communication with Huelva and Portugal). Infrastructure improvements can be assessed as a response to LEDD and earlier isolation. Structural and other funds have also supported the construction sector. For many inhabitants of the Baixo Guadiana this means that more jobs are provided, mainly to build roads and infrastructure.

The establishment of BETURIA, is a response to "water grabbing": the Chanza dam in Andévalo is created in 1989 with the aim of supplying water to Huelva, for domestic and industrial use, with little benefit or water left behind for local use. In the early 1990s this prompts a large coalition of villages which negotiates for water supply, canals and irrigation systems.

Policy context
{xtypo_alert}AK: to check that implementation, impacts and effectiveness of selected policies are discussed in this text. Look at D342 to see if there is any additional information. {/xtypo_alert}

Recent changes on the rural landscape in the study site are related to the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). There is a clear impact with a massive increase in forest plantations, over 30,000 ha are replanted in Adevalo from 1993. Distant landowners convert to less intensive land management which results in a significant increase of forest plantations. Although, under some conditions, aforestation may act as positive response to LEDD, the practical application of the CAP is largely negative: eligibility requirements often require land owners to clea rcut natural recovery before replanting.

In 2003 the Junta de Andalucia approves the "Regadío del Andévalo" (irrigation of Andévalo) plan which aims to convert 10,000 ha of land to productive plantations, mainly citrus, nuts and olives. The government finance the cost of building a network of waterways to deliver water from the newly built Andévalo dam (2004) to vast rural areas: areas for cultivation spread over 17 municipalities and newly irrigated areas are expected to create approximately 400,000 jobs with a total production of €100 million Euro.

Properties of the system
{xtypo_alert}AK: to check if there is any further relevant information in D333{/xtypo_alert}

Socio-ecological resilience
{xtypo_alert}AK: to be added, source: D333{/xtypo_alert}

Socio-ecological fit of the dominant response to LEDD
{xtypo_alert}AK: to be added, source: D333{/xtypo_alert}

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{xtypo_alert}Editor's note 6Sept12: Source D333.{/xtypo_alert}

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